Why the history of Djibouti’s independence struggle is not taught?
It’s an interesting issue that deals with collective memory, identity building and education.
Today, due to the limited time and the nature of this debate, I will focus on this latter aspect and try to present some ideas and suggestions, to understand the reasons.
Several documents address the challenges of teaching Djibouti history. Not to mention, an educational advisor explains the practical difficulties: lack of archives, shortage of local researchers, and dependence on French colonial sources. This is a crucial point that shows that this is not a deliberate choice but a material coercion.
The latest details the historical complexity of the independence struggle itself, with its ethnic divisions and foreign interference. This complexity would make objective education difficult, especially in a post-colonial context where national reconciliation is a priority. He confirms that these tensions led to a civil war in the 1990s, which could explain some caution in approaching these sensitive topics.
I also note that efforts are underway to gradually integrate this story into the school curriculum, with two editions of textbooks (2004-2010 and 2015). But the lack of reliable sources remains a major obstacle.
My research suggests that this is not voluntary “forgetfulness” but rather the result of practical constraints and a delicate historical context. The recent creation of the National Archives suggests future improvements.
I will try to structure my response around these three main focus: material constraints, historical complexity, and recent initiatives to address this situation. A balanced approach that recognizes both the problem and the efforts under way would seem the most relevant.
The limited teaching of the Djibouti independence struggle in school curricula is explained by several historical, political and practical factors, revealed by the archives of the French colonial presence:
1. Structural challenges and lack of resources
Missing National Archives: For decades, Djibouti has lacked a centralized system of archives, depriving teachers and researchers of reliable primary sources on the colonial period and the independence struggle. Key documents remained scattered or inaccessible in France or in private collections.
Shortage of local university research: Few in-depth academic studies exist on the subject, limiting teaching materials. Textbooks often depend on foreign work or isolated initiatives, such as those developed by the CRIPEN (Center for Pedagogical Research and Innovation) starting in the 2000s.
2. Political complexities and historical sensitivities
Instrumentalized ethnic divisions: The independence struggle was marked by divisions between Afars (backed by Ethiopia) and Somalis (close to Somalia), operated by France through a policy of “divide to rule”. These tensions persisted after independence, culminating in a civil war (1991-1994). Teaching this period would exacerbate rivalries.
Controversial role of referendums: The referendums of 1958 and 1967, which repelled independence, were tainted with fraud and ethnic manipulation by the French administration. These episodes challenge the legitimacy of the democratic processes of the time.
Legacy of the single party (1979-1992): Under Hassan Gouled Aptidon, the regime has stifled the differing narratives. The Popular Rally for Progress (RPP) promoted an official history centered on national unity, concealing internal conflicts from the independence movement and suppressing dissident figures like Ahmed Dini.
3. Pedagogical obstacles and colonial dependence
Late decolonization of programs: Until 2000, the Djibouti education system used French or imported textbooks, ignoring the local history. The educational reform initiated the integration of national content, but the first editions of textbooks (2004-2010) lacked scientific rigor and adapted illustrations.
Unresolved “hot” topics: Events such as colonial repressions (ex.g. : demonstrations of 1949 or 1966 suppressed in blood) or the assassination of leaders like Mahmoud Harbi (1960) remain sensitive. Their inclusion requires a political consensus that has been absent so far.
4. Recent initiatives and prospects for the future
BUILDING NATIONAL ARCHIVES: Since 2010, efforts have been made to centralize historical documents, providing access to resources for teachers and researchers.
New textbooks: The 2015 edition of history textbooks includes more local content, such as the country of Pount, Ahmad Gourey’s resistance, or pro-independence figures.
Students respond enthusiastically to these topics, according to teacher testimonials.
Progressive recognition of pluralism: The current government shyly mentions the “plural struggles” for independence, acknowledging the contribution of Afars, Somalis, and Arab communities. Memorial projects, like street names, emerge.
The omission is therefore not total but reflects material constraints and political choices aimed at preserving a fragile national unity. Today, a generation of Djibouti historians is working to address these gaps, supported by institutions like CRIPEN, allowing for more comprehensive integration of this history into future education.
Reff M QAWAYAD
